Concept: The purpose of this Summer School would be to make a documentary entitled Oral Histories that examines how the definition of “market” in the economics textbook is only a limited understanding. Countries like India have markets that range from sellers at traffic lights, handicraftsmen whose workshops survived colonialism, thela walas, fish markets and several others whose dynamics have never been recorded in economics, nor been the basis of theory. The documentary would aim to tell the story of the Indian market. This documentary would be accompanied by a research article that would look at defining multiple other “markets”.
My motivation is that of a disillusioned academic, certain that a true economic vision requires the embrace of a more open craft. As an artist, economist and ethnographic researcher I have a lot to say, and this summer school would open a medium and method that will allow the idea eloquence.
The documentary reveals that “market” can be someone who sells only on traffic lights, can be a potter’s workshop that has survived colonial rule, or even a food stall that is able to keep prices low. The documentary will reveal dynamics not just of the market, but of the larger society as a whole. For instance, the importance of personal relationships that might span even generations with local vendors in order to receive discounts. Further, the importance of these relationships in providing social security to venders. Ultimately, the documentary would reveal the flatness of the definition of “market” popular
Concept: The purpose of this Summer School would be to make a documentary entitled Oral Histories that examines how the definition of “market” in the economics textbook is only a limited understanding. Countries like India have markets that range from sellers at traffic lights, handicraftsmen whose workshops survived colonialism, thela walas, fish markets and several others whose dynamics have never been recorded in economics, nor been the basis of theory. The documentary would aim to tell the story of the Indian market. This documentary would be accompanied by a research article that would look at defining multiple other “markets”.
My motivation is that of a disillusioned academic, certain that a true economic vision requires the embrace of a more open craft. As an artist, economist and ethnographic researcher I have a lot to say, and this summer school would open a medium and method that will allow the idea eloquence.
The documentary reveals that “market” can be someone who sells only on traffic lights, can be a potter’s workshop that has survived colonial rule, or even a food stall that is able to keep prices low. The documentary will reveal dynamics not just of the market, but of the larger society as a whole. For instance, the importance of personal relationships that might span even generations with local vendors in order to receive discounts. Further, the importance of these relationships in providing social security to venders. Ultimately, the documentary would reveal the flatness of the definition of “market” popular in economic theory, and hope to expand it through the documentary as well as the research paper that will encapsulate the narrative more academically.
Participants: There are three participants in this project, playing the following roles;
1) Rahul Kumar: Cinematographer, Co-Director, Editor.
2) Rutuja Uttarwar: Interviewer, Researcher, Co-Director.
3) Simeon Morvan: Second Camera, Sound.
Tone: Even as an Indian economist, my own perspective is informed and rooted in an economics education that is an import, an understanding that escapes local roots in favour of analysis based in “growth” narratives. Accordingly, the tone of the documentary will be exploratory, not informative. I (the organiser of the project) will be leading the interviews, but the camera, will make fun of my ignorance with these matters. For instance, capturing my ability to sit on my haunches like the people we are attempting to learn from. In this sense this economics summer school, does not gather its teachers, but instead travels to them and learns from their local context.
Locations:
1) Bustar, Chhattisgarh: Bustar, or Bastar, is a region in the Indian state of Chhattisgarh known for its rich tribal culture, lush forests, and mineral resources. Here there are markets that are relics of history, still participating in an economy that doesn’t function in monetary exchange. Non-monetary markets in Bastar, Chhattisgarh, often revolve around traditional barter systems and the exchange of goods and services within the local tribal communities. These markets have deep cultural and social significance and play a crucial role in the livelihoods of the people. Beyond this, these markets force economic organisation in a different manner, non capitalist but based in welfare.
For instance, there is a settlement here where only 300 families of potters (or khumbars) have houses, and 301st is not built because the understanding is that this will lead to split profits, and the inability to fulfil ones material needs. Here we focus on the question, how does market structure change economic organisation?
2) Jaisalmer, Rajasthan: Jaisalmer is a city established 800 years ago, right in the middle of the dessert. It receives no more than 6cms of water per year. Over the centuries, the people of Jaisalmer have developed sophisticated systems to manage and conserve water, ensuring the survival of the city in this arid environment. Famously, Jaisalmer does not face any water shortages, nor does it source its water externally, and further incredibly water remains free in the city.
The documentary will explore what “free” here means. There is a transaction that takes place when water is drawn from the ecology, even if a monetary price is not paid. In Jaisalmer, there is a rich history, tradition and practice around what is returned to the ecology, in form of labour, monuments, education, and respect. The documentary will try to capture the cost of free water, and examine another non-monetary “market” where a material transaction takes place. And pose the question, Is this a market?
(Apart from this, Jaisalmer is also home to the only living fort in India. This would also be a interesting phenomena to capture.)
3) Kochi, Kerala: Kochi is a port city in the southern state of Kerala. It has an illustrious colonial history, influences not only by the British but also by the Dutch and Portuguese. Particularly a section called Fort Kochi became a centre for colonial settlements. Here, we spotted a small depilated shop selling extremely cheap food. Outside hung a board that read, established in 1876, it has remained standing all through colonisation. On inquiring further, we found out that this store existed to serve those Indian men who were allowed in Fort Kochi as labourers, they did not posses the means to pay for food within fort. Accordingly, this little shop was set up for such a class. They told us stories about other such shops that were slowly either shutting down, or increasing costs all around. A little map within Fort Kochi.
They also told us of their ancestors, and how they managed to ensure survival through colonial times. How supply chains would be managed, to ensure local cuisine was available. How the colonial leaders were forced to allow this shop to remain open. Certainly, a more valuable case study than Enron. Here we want to ask the question, what kind of local market emerged and survived colonisation?
4) Guhwati, Assam: The north-east of India is very distinct, culturally, ethnically and economically. The economy here is still largely tribal, with different mechanisms of structure and organisation. Further, the ecology of Assam is more intact than other regions of the country, such that there are remote villages here, only accessible after a three day long trek. So remote are these places, that it is likely the pandemic did not hit them.
Although we will not be able to access such remote locations, we will interact with the tribal markets close to Guhwati. The focus here will be What is the relationship between market, ecology, and welfare?
Project Statement: “There is no act of faith more beautiful than the generosity of the very poor.” [1] Market dynamics with street vendors, handicraftsmen and even people who sell at traffic lights is rooted in the behaviour of the seller, which often and unexpectedly displays deep compassion for a buyer sometimes from a different, more privileged class. Recently, in my city of Bangalore, I found a jackfruit seller who buys his jackfruits from Kerala. In our first meeting, we spoke a bit, and were friendly. The second time I visited him, he offered me a Rs. 10 discount. It was unnecessary and therefore generous. An amount that would mean more to him than to me. It was an act of faith in the friendship we had created on just a second meeting.
It is easy to take advantage of the offer of such a friendship to someone unacquainted with the dynamics of this market. But I have seen my father have such relationships of community, belonging and shared care with our guava seller, tender coconut seller or our mithai wala. We would ask for Venkatesh Anna to cut the required amount, leave all our vegetable shopping with him for safekeeping, and return to his family and drink the coconut while talking to them. We earned this honour because on that day, as Venkatesh Anna’s son cut his finger while cutting a tender coconut, my father went to the nearest pharmacy and bought first aid for them. An unexpected act of friendship not of the rigid rational “buyer” from a textbook that are relics of colonialism.
My father and the guava seller too share a kinship, the guava seller always, always offers my father a discount and the best of his guavas, sometimes setting them aside. And my father always, always gives him extra money. In one form of the Indian market, it is not the richest buyer who receives the best product but the one with the most kinship.
This is an inherited dynamic, a dying understanding of how market creates community. It is not sufficient to tell this story academically, dryly. It will not do it justice. The right medium is that of a story, a narrative, a documentary. It does not need to be fictional or scriptwritten because it does not require embellishment. It is only visible and accessible to the initiated. I am fortunate to know, that when I next see the jackfruit seller, I will offer extra money, and insist if he refuses.
The intention of the documentary it to upend entirely what passes for good economic analysis, to write a history of economic dynamics of the markets in India. It is to reciprocate the generosity of the very poor in our country, who keep alive social and economic tradition from an unknown time.
Organisation: The will be four locations in the summer school across four months that will make the shooting and production of this documentary possible. The team will stay in these locations for a few weeks. This is imperative to ensure sufficient trust has been built within the community, and to further ensure there is a proper understanding of the local economy. It is very easy for an insensitive version to be captured, if the video is made in haste.
The schools have be organised in the following way, keeping in mind that markets are often shut during summer months, and in accordance with the monsoon of each location;
1) June 1st- June 22nd, 2024: Bastar, Chhattisgarh
2) June 23rd – July 17th, 2024: Kochi, Kerala
3) July 18th – August 8th, 2024: Guhwati, Assam
4) August 9th – August 30th, 2024: Jaisalmer, Rajasthan
Objective: The aim to produce four short episodic videos about markets in India, under the banner Oral Histories. We would like to submit them to both to economic conferences for presentation (in order to facilitate this, we will also write a research paper along with the documentary) as well a film festivals.
[1] Roberts, G. D. (20052003). Shantaram: a novel. 1st St. Martin’s Griffin edition. New York, St. Martin’s Griffin. Pg. 189.
